The late congressman of New York policy by choosing progressivism in partisanship sacrifices a lesson for today.
Former Us Representative Charles Rangel’s Death at Age 94 Has Inspired Long Obituaries Recalling The Legacy of the Harlem Democrat, Who Served 46 Years in the US House, Cofinded The Congressional Black Caucus, Chaired the Powerful Ways and Means Committee, Shaped The Character of The Congress and Was Censored by it, Earned to Purple Heart for His Wounds and the Bronze Star with value for his bravery duration the Korean War, and later emerged as one of George W’s most screwed critics. Bush’s Iraq war. However, one of the most notable maneuvers or Rangel’s long political career has become mostly without mentioning, perhaps because Asily does not fit into partisan narratives or US politics.
In 1969, with Richard Nixon, a Republican determined to exploit the riots and racial division for partisan advantage, in the White House, and the conservative Democrats (apparently influenced by the presidential offers of Alabama, George, George, Wallace, Wallace ,, Wallace ,,,,,, the center of the soul of the soul of the soul of the soul. Audacious, if he finally succeeded, a main offer for the president of the City Council, suddenly found the EFF.
The 1969 city mayor’s career produced primary June results that suggested that New York was going on the right. John Lindsay, the liberal republican headline that was ready for re -election, was defeated in the Republican primaries by state senator John Marchi, a conservative with links with the White House of Nixon. On The Democratic Side, The Most Right-Wing Candidate, City Competroller Mario Procaccino, Beat More Liberal Contenders-Including Former Mayor Robert Wagner Jr., the opposition exposed to worn housing and open housing, and used to ISBA. National policy to the largest city of nations. Wallace of Alabama praised the results of the Big Apple, claiming that Procaccino and Marchi participated in the same type of campaign that perpetuated in the south, “except that they had New York accents.”
Current problem
After his main defeat, Lindsay decided to continue running as a civil rights defender, a defender of Antifovery programs, an enemy of the Vietnam War and the only prominent progressive progressive in the field. He had the approval and vote of the little liberal party of New York, and hoped to balance enough black progressive, Puerto Rican and Jewish voters away from the democratic line to prevail. But in an excessively democratic city, and with two enhanced Republicans dividing the vote, ProCaccino was the clear favorite. Pundits said he could simply keeping most of his games a multi -regular and multiethnic voter base on his side.
But Charlie Rangel was not about to stand on Mario Procaccino.
Shortly after the primary elections, Harlem legislator returned the political calculation of the city by becoming the first elected elected black democratic official in supporting Lindsay’s re -election offer.
Forty -six years later, New York faces another choice of mayor, which once again faces the rival democratic factions with each other. These are different political times. But continuous guarantees to influence the result of the races communicated. And what Rangel did in July 1969 sacrifices a reminder of the huge role that political prescience and courage can play in city politics.
Rangel’s decision to break with the orthodoxy of the party, at a time when other prominent Democrats were fighting if he supported Lindsay, it was so important that the New York media body packed the press conference shook urban politicians. “In New York City, the Democratic Party has traditionally represented a symbol of the hope that the day promised in our Constitution would be extended to include the poor, the persecuted and the denied,” said Rangel, who argued that the procacino had a combination or a combination “entangled in the prejudice, racial and economic discrimination cable.”
“Today,” he warned, “a voter can no longer depend on the party’s label to determine the philosophy of the party candidate. I have the tasks that ate a very hard appearance [the issues and the contenders]And in good awareness I must reject the candidate on my part for the mayor of New York City. When doing this, I separate from the tradition of my family and community. But I think that a united match is much less important than a united city, because if our cities are destroyed, then what is there to wait? ”
A silence fell on the press room while Rangel continued.
“While, political, it can be wise for me to sit this choice, I think that my highest duty is to try to unite our people,” he said. “I think our current mayor, Mayor John Lindsay, is the best to do that job … I intend to work very hard for re -election and I am convinced that, with their efforts and efforts of the people of Eather in New York City, the type of voter candidates of the Democratic Party to understand that they cannot afford to fall to the traditions of our great part.”
Lindsay welcomed support as “a very significant movement” that would help forge “a coalition, an independent coalition, which can advance our city in a union of all people of progressive spirit.”
After Rangel’s announcement, that coalition expanded rapidly. The powerful new democratic coalition, a group linked to the movements of the democratic reform that had generated traction in the Jewish, black and Puerto Rican critical enclosures, supported Lindsay, in a movement that The New York Times He wrote: “The official puts the most liberal citizens in the city, Behind, the mayor.”
Five days later, the American representative Shirley Chisholm, a member of the New York National Democratic Committee, who three years later would become the first black woman to offer for the presidential assent of the party, backed Lindsay. “The situation in New York City is so critical and important that none of us should not be polyitis polyitis on our way,” Chisholm said. “Our times and our cities do not allow this son of things.”
The impulse grew, as the prominent white liberals, such as Paul O’Dwyer, the new leader of the Democratic and Nominated Democratic coalition of 1968 for the United States Senate, joined Rangel and Chishhholm to support Lindsay. At the end of October, the Times I was informing: “Most of the political activity in the center of Harlem involves Lindsay’s campaign.” That proved to be vital. On election day, the mayor won the re -election, with a strong support from Harlem and other black nightlings for a Republican who, the Times Observed, “the confidence of the disadvantaged and minority groups of the city had been won.”
Rangel’s early decision to break his own party had proven to be the “very significant movement” that Lindsay predicted. The mayor’s second mandate would be tarnished by the controversy, and the bitter disputes with Nixon and the Republican party, which culminate in Lindsay’s decision of 1971 to register a Democrat. Rangel, in 1970, would defeat the United States representative, Adam Clayton Powell Jr., in a result that accompanies the headlines that followed a campaign that is the mayor who appeared on 125th Street and the seventh avenue to greet Rangel as a candidate for Whoang, and What Date changed what the candidate Whoang would be “a vigorous and active congressman.”
